
Hall of Fame baseball player Johnny Bench once told me that you’re never too old to have heroes. One of mine is Barbara Johns, and I’m proud to say that as of last month, a bronze sculpture of her stands in the U.S. Capitol, replacing a statue of Confederate general Robert E. Lee, and representing the state of Virginia.
Barbara Johns wasn’t just a participant in the Civil Rights Movement, she triggered it. Barbara made her mark before Rosa Parks boarded a bus, before Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. marched, and before the Greensboro Four sat at the lunch counter. Barbara led a national movement for equality, and she did it at the ripe old age of 16.
In 1951, Barbara Johns was a junior at Moton High, an all-Black school in the Prince Edward County Virginia town of Farmville. She was an exemplary student who enjoyed English, history, French, and music, and was a member of the debate team. Barbara was mature beyond her years and had a sense of social justice that was inspired by her uncle, The Rev. Vernon Johns, who, at the time, was pastor of Dexter Ave. Baptist Church in Montgomery, Ala. (he would be succeeded in that role by Dr. King in 1952).
Built in 1939, Moton was a small brick structure designed to hold 180 students, but by 1951, over 450 children were crammed into the school. Not only was the building overcrowded, it was also woefully inadequate for learning. There was no library, no cafeteria, no gym, and no science lab. To alleviate the overflow of students, the Prince Edward school board had several tar paper shacks erected adjacent to the main building. On rainy days, water poured through the leaky roofs, and on cold days, students had to make do with a small stove. The stove was riddled with holes, and hot coals would often pop out onto the floor. By contrast, just down the road stood the all-white high school, which had the best of everything. In those days, the concept of separate but equal was a cruel joke. Schools were separated by race for sure, but they were sure as hell not equal.
Fittingly, the base of the new statue is engraved with this quote from young Ms. Johns, “Are we going to just accept these conditions, or are we going to do something about it?” Well, Barbara did something about it. More on that in a moment.
I began researching the Moton school saga nearly 30 years ago. Barbara had passed away by then, but I connected with some of her family and friends and was able to get a copy of Barbara’s unfinished manuscript soon after it was discovered in 1999. In it, Barbara wrote of the long walks she would take in the woods, contemplating the conditions of her school and of her dreams for a better one.
“I imagined that a great storm came through and blew down the main building and splattered the shacks to splinters, and out of this wreckage was a magnificent building, and the students were joyous. Then the reality would set in, and I would acknowledge that nothing magical was going to produce a new school. I prayed to God, ‘Please let us have a new place where we won’t have to keep our coats on all day to stay warm. God, please help us. We are your children, too.’”
Barbara then wrote about a defining incident that convinced her to take action.
“One morning I was rushing around helping my brother and sister get down the hill to catch the bus, but I had forgot my lunch. I ran back up the hill to retrieve it, but in the meantime the bus had left. Later, the white school bus drove by. It was half empty and would have to drive past my school to get to the white school, but they wouldn’t let me ride with them. Right then and there I decided something had to be done about this inequality.”
The action Barbara took would help trigger a national movement to provide an equal education for all students. On April 23, 1951, she enacted a carefully devised plan. First, she got the school principal out of the building on a ruse, then she enlisted the aid of seven other students to deliver bogus notes to every teacher, advising them to have their students assemble in the auditorium. Barbara then addressed the student body and convinced them to stage a walkout. On the second day of the strike, Johns and a large group of students marched to the superintendent’s office, where Barbara asked why Black students couldn’t just attend school with whites. The superintendent said that integration was against Virginia law, but promised that a new school was in the works for the Moton students. He lied about the new school. Even worse, he punished the protesting students by taking all of their buses out of commission. The strike lasted for two weeks, during which time Barbara received death threats.
Barbara wrote to the NAACP and asked for help. Soon after, two attorneys arrived in Farmville to meet with Barbara and other student leaders. Eventually, their case was folded into Brown v. Board of Education, and by 1959, Prince Edward County schools were ordered to desegregate. But the racist county school board refused to comply, and they got around the law by closing all of their public schools, then opened a make-shift private academy just for the white students to attend. Black students in the area became known as The Lost Generation because they were without a school for five years. Finally, in 1964, all public schools in Farmville were reopened when the Supreme Court ruled that Prince Edward’s racist scheme violated the 14th Amendment by denying Black students equal protection under the law. Still, it would be another 20 years before the county’s schools were fully integrated. Nevertheless, the state of public education had changed forever, and, in large part, we all have a 16-year-old girl to thank for it.
Barbara Johns was a visionary and an activist, and if there was a Mt. Rushmore of Civil Rights leaders, she would be on it. For now, we’ll settle for having her likeness in the nation’s Capitol.
(The original Moton school has since been restored and today serves as a museum and a venue for community events. For more information or to make a donation, visit MotonMuseum.org).



























Posted January 13, 2026 By Triad TodayBerger Desperate to Retain Power
Negative political campaigning is nothing new. In the presidential election of 1800, John Adams’ camp warned Jefferson voters, “Are you prepared to see your dwellings in flames, female chastity violated, and children writhing on the pike?” And in 1828, Adams’ son John Quincy issued a handbill that said, “General [Andrew] Jackson’s mother was a common prostitute.” Believe it or not, I wasn’t around for those dirty campaigns, but I do remember the controversy surrounding LBJ’s 1964 network TV ad that implied a vote for Goldwater would result in nuclear war with Russia and the end of civilization.
And while presidential elections seem to bring out the worst in some candidates, mudslinging also occurs in down-ballot contests. In fact, the stakes are frequently much higher in local races. That’s because state legislators are the folks who draw and redraw district maps, which often pre-determine outcomes and help incumbents remain in office, and that brings me to Republican Sen. Phil Berger and his quest to hold onto power by any means necessary.
Berger has represented Rockingham and Guilford counties for the better part of 25 years, and as Senate president pro tempore, he is considered the most powerful political figure in North Carolina. Again, thanks to gerrymandering, Berger has always been a shoo-in to win re-election. But 2026 is different. For the first time ever, Berger is being challenged by a powerful opponent within his own party, and for the first time ever, he is running scared.
Berger’s primary opponent is the popular, long-serving Rockingham Sheriff Sam Page, who, according to recent polls, holds a surprisingly comfortable lead over Berger.
That’s why Berger tried desperately to dissuade Page from even filing for office, including allegedly dispatching Sen. Amy Galey to Sam’s house with a letter demanding that the sheriff not run for the legislature. The dissuasion campaign also included a series of scurrilous TV ads accusing Page of everything except the Kennedy assassination. The pressure didn’t work, and Page still filed to run in the March 3 primary. That triggered over a million dollars worth of negative TV ads against Page, and a so-called investigation by the SBI into the way the sheriff had handled vending machine proceeds in his office. Interestingly, the charges against Page were advanced by none other than Rockingham County Commissioner Kevin Berger, son of the incumbent senator. That may not represent a direct conflict of interest, but it sure as hell represents nepotism at its sleaziest. The younger Berger defended his actions, saying, “I have a job to protect the taxpayer.” Thanks, Kevin. We all feel grateful that you’ve uncovered a check for under $60, which Page allegedly used for “Taking people out to eat.”
Last month, the Winston-Salem Journal’s Scott Sexton reported that Berger had about $1.7 million dollars in his campaign coffers while Page had raised a mere $24,000.
That disparity begs the question: Just how desperate do you have to be to spend millions of dollars to hold onto a job that only pays $30,000 per year? The answer is “pretty desperate.”
If Page upsets Berger and wins the primary, it will have been against overwhelming odds. But take heart, Phil. If you lose, maybe Sam will take you out to eat with some of his vending machine money.